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The Constitution

While the Declaration of Independence includes references to the Creator and the Supreme Judge of the Universe, the Constitution is utterly devoid of any mention of God or the supernatural.

Those who want to put as much distance as they can between the United States and her spiritual heritage use that absence to justify insisting that the Constitutional Convention was a purely secular enterprise.

But that wasn’t the case…

In 1787 the United States were anything but united. In many cases, the delegates that convened to retool the Articles of Confederation represented states that were very guarded about the idea of a strong, central government. Instead, they were determined to remain as autonomous as possible, given the way the larger states seemed ready to overwhelm the interests of smaller ones.

Still, there was a prevailing mindset that recognized a loose confederation was incapable of providing the necessary strength needed to levy taxes, enforce laws, and defend against foreign adversaries, many of which were already poised to exploit the apparent weakness of the new nation that had just won her independence. Not only would the Articles of Confederation have to be replaced with a solid Constitution, but a collaboration would have to be established under the heading of a government that subordinated the concept of statehood to “we the people.”

However familiar that phrase is today, it was a brand new idea in the 18th century. While great thinkers had envisioned a representative government in the past, the type of Constitution that needed to be drafted would be the first of its kind.

Part of what made it so challenging is that most monarchies up until that point had built their authority on a partnership between the state and the church that enforced its will by through both a corrupted throne and a corrupted theology.

Religion and the Founding of the
American Republic

Against a prevailing view that eighteenth-century Americans had not perpetuated the first settlers’ passionate commitment to their faith, scholars now identify a high level of religious energy in colonies after 1700. According to one expert, religion was in the “ascension rather than the declension”; another sees a “rising vitality in religious life” from 1700 onward; a third finds religion in many parts of the colonies in a state of “feverish growth.” Figures on church attendance and church formation support these opinions. Between 1700 and 1740, an estimated 75 to 80 percent of the population attended churches, which were being built at a headlong pace.

Toward mid-century the country experienced its first major religious revival. The Great Awakening swept the English-speaking world, as religious energy vibrated between England, Wales, Scotland and the American colonies in the 1730s and 1740s. In America, the Awakening signaled the advent of an encompassing evangelicalism–the belief that the essence of religious experience was the “new birth,” inspired by the preaching of the Word. It invigorated even as it divided churches. The supporters of the Awakening and its evangelical thrust–Presbyterians, Baptists and Methodists–became the largest American Protestant denominations by the first decades of the nineteenth century. Opponents of the Awakening or those split by it–Anglicans, Quakers, and Congregationalists–were left behind.

Another religious movement that was the antithesis of evangelicalism made its appearance in the eighteenth century. Deism, which emphasized morality and rejected the orthodox Christian view of the divinity of Christ, found advocates among upper-class Americans. Conspicuous among them were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. Deists, never more than “a minority within a minority,” were submerged by evangelicalism in the nineteenth century.2

It was that state sanctioned brand of Christianity that had inspired America’s first settlers to leave their homes and establish colonies where religious freedom could be enjoyed. The Great Awakening took the idea of religious liberty a step further by emphasizing how one’s relationship with the Almighty needed to be a personal decision and not something that could be accomplished in the context of a legislative action. With that spiritual epiphany came the idea that our rights are guaranteed by God and not dispensed by a king, which obviously gave credence to the quest for independence.

But how do you outline a system of government founded on the Divine principles detailed in the Declaration of Independence, and yet not reference them in a way that makes them appear compulsory?

Bear in mind that in some states, should you want to serve in government, you had to belong to a specific denomination in order to be considered.1 When the Constitution was being ratified, Christianity wasn’t just a casual religious exercise, as much as it was ingrained into the culture.

It’s in that context that you want to process the substance of the Constitution.

Critics who want to reduce the Constitution to a purely secular enterprise have to ignore the spiritual perspective of the delegates, the people they represented, and the resources they appealed to for guidance and inspiration.

Dr. M.E. Bradford of the University of Dallas wrote a series of biographical sketches on the fifty-five delegates to the Constitutional Convention. The following table lists the church membership of each of the delegates.3

Delegate Denomination
New Hampshire
John Langdon Congregationalist
Nicholas Gilman Congregationalist
Massachusetts
Elbridge Gerry Episcopalian
Rufus King Episcopalian
Caleb Strong Congregationalist
Nathaniel Gorham Congregationalist
Connecticut
Roger Sherman Congregationalist
William Samuel Johnson Episcopalian
Oliver Ellsworth Congregationalist
New York
Alexander Hamilton Episcopalian
John Lansing Dutch Reformed
Robert Yates Dutch Reformed
New Jersey
Wiliam Patterson Presbyterian
Wiliam Livingston Presbyterian
Jonathan Dayton Episcopalian
David Blearily Episcopalian
William Churchill Houston Presbyterian
Pennsylvania
Benjamin Franklin Deist
Robert Morris Episcopalian
James Wilson Episcopalian / Deist
Gouverneur Morris Episcopalian
Thomas Mifflin Quaker / Lutheran
George Clymer Quaker / Episcopalian
Thomas FitzSimmons Roman Catholic
Jared Ingersoll Presbyterian
Delaware
John Dickinson Quaker / Deist
George Read Episcopalian
Richard Bassett Methodist
Gunning Bedford Presbyterian
Jacob Broom Lutheran
Maryland
Luther Martin Episcopalian
Daniel Carroll Roman Catholic
John Francis Mercer Episcopalian
James McHenry Presbyterian
Daniel of St Thomas Jennifer Episcopalian
Virginia
George Washington Episcopalian
James Madison Episcopalian
George Mason Episcopalian
Edmund Jennings Randolph Episcopalian
James Blair, Jr Episcopalian
James McClung Presbyterian
George Wythe Episcopalian
North Carolina
William Richardson Davie Presbyterian
Hugh Williamson Presbyterian / Deist
William Blount Presbyterian
Alexander Martin Presbyterian / Episcopalian
Richard Dobbs Spaight, Jr Episcopalian
South Carolina
John Rutledge Episcopalian
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney Episcopalian
Pierce Butler Episcopalian
Charles Pickney III Episcopalian
Georgia
Abraham Baldwin Congregationalist
William Leigh Pierce Episcopalian
William Houstoun Episcopalian
William Few Methodist

Two professors, Donald S. Lultz and Charles S. Hynemman, reviewed an estimated 15,000 items, and closely read 2,200 books, pamphlets, newspaper articles, and monographs with explicitly political content printed between 1760 and 1805. They reduced this to 916 items, about one-third of all political writings longer than 2,000 words.

From these items, Lutz and Hynemann identified 3,154 references to other sources. The source most cited by the founding fathers was the Bible, which accounted for 34% of all citations.

The Constitution was referred to as a “miracle” by George Washington. He presided over all the proceedings and was there to watch the negotiations first hand.

With each state you had a religious and economic culture that was, in some cases, very distinctive. With that distinction came a specific set of expectations and anxieties that needed to be addressed and resolved in a way that allowed for the birth of a nation as opposed to an argument between neighbors.

This was accomplished only because of a willingness to acknowledge an Authority that transcended politics. John Adams said it best when he said, ““We have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion. Avarice, ambition, revenge or gallantry would break the strongest cords of our Constitution as a whale goes through a net. Our Constitution is designed only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate for any other.”

Without a Divine Absolute as the starting point – without incorporating the Biblical Principles outlined in the Declaration of Independence – real collaboration and true community is overwhelmed by selfishness posing as entitlement.

1. “Constitution Annotated”, “ArtVI.C3.2.1 Historical Background on Religious Test for Government Offices”, https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artVI-C3-2-1/ALDE_00013638/#ALDF_00027145, accessed May 6, 20262.

2. “Library of Congress”, “Religion and the Founding of the American Republic”, https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/religion/rel02.html, accessed May 6, 2026

3. M.E. Bradford, (Marlborough, N/H.: Plymouth Rock Foundation, 1982), pp iv-v

Unclean Lips

When you take an inventory of all the individuals who have earned a prominent position in our nation’s history, it’s inevitable that you find in each one of them a character flaw of some sort.

  • George Washington is the father of our country, yet he was a slaveowner.
  • John Witherspoon was a powerful preacher, the President of the University of New Jersey (Princeton), and a signer of the Declaration of Independence. Yet, he was a slaveowner as well.
  • Gouvernor Morris wrote the Preamble of the Constitution and spoke more on the Convention floor more so than any other delegate.1 While his faith in God isn’t something you could easily define as orthodox, he belonged to a denomination that believed in a Triune God and his approach to government was obviously informed by a biblical worldview.2 And yet, Morris was involved in several illicit affairs, including those with married women.3

How do you reconcile the way in which history honors these men with the fact that they were fundamentally flawed at some level?

We don’t honor Witherspoon because he owned slaves anymore than we honor Moses for murdering an Egyptian. We don’t respect Morris because he was an adulterer anymore than we applaud David for being in the same category and then went as far as having Bathsheba’s husband killed.

Both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution represent a brilliant approach to human rights and the structure of government. We don’t evaluate either one of them according to the character flaws of the men who wrote them. Rather, we evaluate them according to the substance of the documents themselves.

In a similar fashion, we don’t honor these men because of the inconsistencies that exist between the doctrine they subscribed to and the way that same doctrine failed to manifest itself in their approach to certain issues. Instead, we honor them because of the sacrifices they made to champion those principles that resulted in the freedoms and the rights we’re able to enjoy today.

When the prophet Isaiah was first commissioned by God, Isaiah is in the Lord’s Presence and instantly becomes aware of how he compares to the standard of God’s Perfection.

He says…

5 “Woe to me!” I cried. “I am ruined! For I am a man of unclean lips, and I live among a people of unclean lips, and my eyes have seen the King, the Lord Almighty.” (Is 6:5)

Anyone who believes themselves to be “qualified” to be used by God in any capacity is inevitably humbled once confronted by the depravity that characterizes themselves along with every member of the human race.

What makes sin so toxic isn’t just the sin itself as much as it’s Who you’re sinning against (Is: 40:12-14; 45:9-10). When you take an honest inventory of Who God is, the idea that a human being would have the audacity to disobey Him or to rebel against Him is unconscionable, and yet…

…that’s what we do all day, every day (Rom 3:23).

It’s not the instrument, but rather than One working in and through that instrument that produces the results that are worthy of our respect and admiration. We applaud our Founding Fathers, not because they were beyond reproach, but because of their willingness to obey and be used by God in a crucial moment when compromise or rebellion would’ve been a far easier path to take.

The assessment that concludes that our Founding Fathers were wrong in the way they viewed certain topics, is neither inaccurate nor inappropriate.

But to dismiss what they accomplished, assuming that any dirt on their hands soils the integrity of the Truth they proclaimed or the substance of the sacrifices they made is to invoke a standard that is not only nonsensical, it is also hypocritical.

1. “Christianity and the Constitution”, John Eidsmoe, Baker Books, Grand Rapids, MI, 1987, 2003, p179
2. Ibid, p189
3 “National Endowment for the Humanities”, “The Confessions of Gouverneur Morris: An interview with Melanie Randolph Miller”, https://www.neh.gov/article/confessions-gouverneur-morris, accessed March 21, 2026